This EIA flash comes to you from the Westin
Hotel in Los Angeles, where I have just attended the California Teachers
Association’s Equity and Human Rights Conference. Along with the usual
topics of ethnic and racial minority rights, women’s rights, and gay and
lesbian rights, the conference also addressed two initiatives that will
appear on California’s June 2 ballot: Proposition 226 (the Campaign Reform
Initiative) and Proposition 227 (the English for the Children initiative).
Prop 226 would require unions to annually obtain their members’ permission
to use any portion of their dues for political purposes. Prop 227 would
place students currently in bilingual education programs into English
immersion classes for one year, then place them in mainstream classes. At
two workshop sessions officials from CTA, the National Education Association
and other organizations described the current status of their campaigns and
their strategies for defeating the two initiatives.Prop 226 —
NEA’s Kevin DeLeon discussed the results of recent internal polling and
focus group surveys of CTA members. He revealed that 70 percent of CTA
members currently support Prop 226. The news brought gasps of
surprise from the assembled teacher union representatives and activists.
"Yes, we’ve nudged that down from 76 percent," interjected a chagrined CTA
board member standing at the back of the room.
Because of the huge rift in their base of support, NEA and CTA have
decided on a dual approach to defeat Prop 226. Lee Berg, of NEA’s Center for
the Revitalization of Urban Education, discussed the internal campaign to
swing teacher union members away from support of 226. After a detailed
report on J. Patrick Rooney, Grover Norquist, John Walton, Gov. Pete Wilson,
and other financial supporters of 226, Berg instructed the audience to ask
teachers "Why would your enemies want to help you?" He asserted that the
passage of 226 "would bankrupt CTA’s political action committee" and warned
the audience that once it happened, school vouchers and tuition tax credits
would soon follow. Berg claimed "these things are orchestrated — and
democracy’s at stake." He proceeded to alert everyone to the dangers of
vouchers. "When education is not public," he said, "we no longer have the
ability to control what is taught and what is not taught."
Berg talked about Exodus 2000, a project of evangelical Christian groups
to encourage parents to remove their kids from public schools. "What kind of
nation would we have," he asked, "if half the children were taught the
universe was created in six days, 10,000 years ago, and are taught that as
science? If you think our science scores are bad now compared to other
nations, just imagine..."
DeLeon discussed the external campaign, designed to swing voters who are
not members of teachers’ unions. Because most people do not belong to
unions, NEA/CTA focus group research determined that discussing 226's
negative effect on union influence was counterproductive. "Therefore,"
DeLeon said, "we are not going to use the word ‘union’." He added that
campaign ads, literature and other documentation targeted at external
audiences would not refer to "unions."
CTA is preparing a video on both propositions and will be unveiling it
shortly. In the case of 226 it is expected to emphasize the use of
out-of-state money, the vast advantage corporations would have in future
campaigns, and the threat of vouchers. Though NEA and CTA revealed no source
who donated more than $50,000 to support 226, Berg claimed that "They have
bottomless pits of money and we have limited resources." Between NEA, CTA
and AFL-CIO, the anti-226 campaign is already committed to spending as much
as $11 million.
Prop 227 — DeLeon would say only that "more than 50 percent" of CTA
members currently support the Unz initiative. Their polls of the general
public show 227 winning by a 2 to 1 margin. Panelists and audience members
were vocally distressed by their lack of progress on the issue despite the
fact that 227 is "screwy." In an audience of activists and union reps,
confusion was rife about what the initiative would do. Nevertheless, all but
one of the 50 or so people in the room were vehemently opposed to it. One
lone State Council member, an elderly Hispanic woman, spoke up. She informed
the audience that she had participated in a CTA focus group, and that
everyone had been against 227 — except for her and the only other recent
immigrant in the group. "I have no problem with the Unz initiative," she
said. "Children should be getting their native culture and language at home,
not in the public school."
The temperature in the room dropped 30 degrees as she spoke. Other
audience members then verbally attacked her views. The woman seemed more
resigned than angry and soon left the room. Her absence did not end the
barrage of criticism of her simple statement.
Stewart Kwoh, executive director of the Asian Pacific American Legal
Center, and various audience members discussed approaches to take when
attempting to "educate" those who "are not aware of the initiative’s
implications."
Kwoh noted that waivers from the proposed immersion program were
"onerous" and "complicated" because they required positive action, paperwork
and annual renewal. Interestingly, these are the same arguments
supporters of Prop 226 use when they speak of the current procedures
established for the reimbursement of the political portion of their dues.
Others in the audience saw a relationship between 227 and the new
Standardized Testing And Reporting (STAR) Program. They suggested teacher
sentiment could swing on this basis: Newly mainstreamed bilingual students
will lower the test scores of your class. The STAR program will see to it
that you receive poor personal evaluations for this. Your career, and
eventually your pay, will suffer.
Still others suggested emphasizing the loss of parental choice should 227
pass. "One size doesn’t fit all" will apparently be a much-used slogan on
the anti-227 side.
David Sanchez, a member of the CTA Board of Directors, interrupted to say
that CTA focus group research had already discovered the way to defeat the
Unz initiative. "The issue is money!" he said. Sanchez claimed that the $50
million annual cost — taken from Prop 98 funds — is what "turns the tide" on
the initiative. He suggested a strategy similar to what was proposed to
defeat 226. "Don’t even try to defend bilingual education," he said. NEA and
CTA are fairly convinced that older, white women are the key to the
campaign. That demographic will be specifically targeted in the coming
weeks.
Despite assurances that the battle could be won, the audience was told
that lawyers from the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF)
were already crafting a legal challenge. "If Unz passes," said one CTA State
Council member, "it will be in court the next day."
Victor Nauro (spelling may be incorrect), a member of the speakers’
bureau in opposition to 227, said the field campaign will kickoff on March
21. He supplied the audience with the address and phone number of "One
Nation, One California" — the Prop 227 campaign headquarters in the LA area
— "in case," he said, "you really want to target an office." He did not
elaborate.