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May 10, 2004

1)  Kerry’s Education Laundry List Puts NEA in Spin Cycle. The National Education Association’s recent presidential recommendations have had a touch of comedy for the organization – or tragedy – depending on how committed an education labor activist you are.

NEA loved Bill Clinton, though the union was periodically abashed by his forceful rhetorical support of charter schools. They recommended Al Gore, who went out and selected as his running mate U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman, the nation’s most prominent Democratic supporter of school vouchers. This year, the union steadfastly refused to take sides in the contentious Democratic presidential primary. NEA did not jump on the Howard Dean bandwagon, and patiently waited for the field to winnow itself out. When it became clear John Kerry would win the nomination, the union still waited for its regularly scheduled executive meetings to address the recommendation. As reported here last week, NEA’s executive committee and board of directors at last anointed Kerry as the chosen candidate, to be put to a formal vote of the representative assembly in July.

And then, as if on cue, Senator Kerry gave an education policy speech at a San Bernardino, California, public school on May 6 that sent the union’s PR people spinning like tops.

Kerry pledged to spend more than $20 billion over 10 years to improve teacher pay, but with strings. The bulk of the money would go to differential pay – to teachers who work in hard-to-staff schools, or who teach math or science, or who meet performance standards.

According to the Los Angeles Times, “Kerry would require all states receiving the new federal money to toughen the tests used to certify new teachers. Even more dramatically, he would require those states to simplify the process for teacher dismissal.”

“No one can have a lock on the job forever, no matter what,” Kerry said.

Kerry’s plan would provide federal funds for performance pay programs, letting districts use multiple measures for performance but, according to the Los Angeles Times, “he would require that school officials base part of their assessments on how a teacher’s students perform academically.”

Kerry also mentioned wanting to “break down the walls of bureaucracy to attract either veterans or mid-career professional from business” into teaching.

Reporter David M. Halbfinger of the New York Times captured the union response to the speech perfectly:

“‘I believe we need to offer teachers more pay,’ [Kerry] began, interrupted by applause.

“He continued: ‘More training, more career choices, and more options for education. And we must ask more in return. That’s the bargain.’ And there was silence.”

Officially, there wasn’t much enthusiasm shown. The AFT statement simply ignored the bulk of Kerry’s proposals, and commended him for being “committed to fully funding the No Child Left Behind Act.”

The NEA statement took a similar tack, announcing support for Kerry’s “fundamental premise” (which is the same thing union officials say about NCLB) and stating, “We look forward to discussing ways to help strengthen Senator Kerry’s proposals in ways that will meet the needs of America’s public school students.” All that was missing was ominous music. The Los Angeles Times also reported that “union leaders already have complained about the proposal to key Democrats on Capitol Hill, Democratic aides say.”

In addition, NEA issued talking points emphasizing agreement that “schools should be able to provide incentives to attract and keep teachers in hard-to-staff schools.” But the union disagrees with providing bonuses for math and science teachers.

Kerry’s speech backed the union into a corner on two tenets of new unionism that have not withstood the test of time in NEA: performance pay and firing poor teachers. The quickly-generated talking points skirt these issues, but still come down on the wrong end of NEA resolutions. The union “would be willing to look at ways to develop ‘fast, fair procedures for improving or replacing teachers who do not perform on the job,’” the points state, and also “to look at ways to reward teachers for performance – so long as they are objective, open to all, and use multiple, objective methods for judging success.” Unfortunately for NEA, this latter formulation does not square with its own resolution F-10, which baldly states the union’s opposition to “merit pay or performance pay compensation systems.”

Kerry’s plan also undermined one of the planks in NEA’s opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act – that it is a one-size-fits-all approach that reduces local control and hands over too much of education policy to the federal government. That’s a fine argument, but how can you make it if your candidate wants federal bureaucrats to approve and regulate teacher pay systems?

It’s only May, and NEA still has plenty of time to “educate” Kerry on his policy proposals. But Kerry and the Democratic Party may be less inclined to listen. The day before Kerry’s speech, Virginia Gov. Mark R. Warner, a Democrat, made a very similar proposal on performance pay, bonuses to teachers to work in hard-to-staff schools, and “master teacher” licensing. Where this all goes is anybody’s guess, but it isn’t all cakes and ale at NEA headquarters.

2)  Pocketbook Concerns Dominate State Union Assemblies. Most of NEA’s state affiliates hold their representative assemblies in the spring, and their activities often provide a glimpse of what to expect at the NEA convention each July. This year, the major external issue will continue to be the federal No Child Left Behind Act, and the major internal issue is certainly money. The question is whether the union will directly address the latter in an open public forum like the NEA convention.

In past years, delegates have chosen sides on issues such as merger, performance pay, and social policies. But it has been a very long time since NEA has had to confront such widespread financial hurdles. Without having seen it happen before, EIA doesn’t know how – or if – NEA delegates will discuss such sensitive matters. It is even possible that most delegates are unaware of just how financially interdependent their state affiliates are on NEA and each other.

For example, NEA pays the salaries of 23 state executive directors. These are mostly states in the bottom half of the membership rankings, and some of them would have difficulty paying the compensation out of their own dues. Here are the figures for 2002-03:

Alaska – Tom Harvey, $111,252

Colorado – Philip Moeckli, $130,079

Connecticut – John Yrchik, $145,345

Delaware – Howard Weinberg, $121,065

Federal – H.T. Nguyen, $131,176

Hawaii – Joan Husted, $100,499

Idaho – James Shackelford, $104,338

Minnesota – Larry Wicks, $128,548

Mississippi – Frank Yates, $92,762

Missouri – Peggy Cochran, $127,279

Montana – David Smith, $98,027

New Hampshire – Edward Shumaker, $81,500, and Dennis Murphy, $51,738

New Mexico – Kay Brilliant, $125,354

North Carolina – Colleen Borst, $105,737

North Dakota – Joseph Westby, $92,501

Oklahoma – David Duvall, $95,377

Oregon – Joann Waller, $136,142

Rhode Island -- Robert Walsh, $118,276

South Carolina – Richard Miller, $128,607

South Dakota – Lona Lewis, $121,973

Texas – E.C. Walker, $128,358

Vermont – Joel Cook, $114,519

Virginia – Jerry Caruthers, $121,832

Additionally, NEA financially supports special organizing projects in the states, and provides grants for state political and media programs through its ballot initiative/legislative crisis/PR fund, which affiliates have been draining steadily this year.

The timely transmittal of national dues makes this and other aspects of NEA’s affiliation system possible. So much so, that deadlines for the transmission of national dues are established in the union’s bylaws. At least 40 percent of NEA dues must be sent to national headquarters by each March 15, and at least 70 percent by June 1, with the remainder due before the start of the next fiscal year on September 1.

Recently NEA has allowed some state affiliates to retain national dues past these deadlines for temporary relief to financial difficulties. In the 2002-03 fiscal year, NEA allowed the Florida Education Association ($406,925), the Washington Education Association ($1.1 million) and the Michigan Education Association ($8.95 million) to hold onto national dues past deadline. Additionally, NEA had provided the Texas State Teachers Association (TSTA) with a $3 million loan, which TSTA repaid in full last year with money it received from a bank loan. TSTA did so because it got a better interest rate from the bank than it did from NEA. Finally, NEA made a $250,000 loan to the struggling Mississippi Association of Educators in 2001-02, which still needs to make $210,547 in payments.

Large, strong NEA affiliates in collective bargaining states have long been subsidizing operations in small, weak NEA affiliates in right-to-work states. But now, NEA’s “haves” are running into money woes, and the number of NEA “have nots” is growing.

There have been various responses, but most of them have been below the radar. The South Dakota Education Association (SDEA) had NEA finance experts evaluate their budget and then acted on their recommendations. “We have implemented sometimes harsh decisions, but needed ones,” reported SDEA President Donna DeKraai. The Delaware State Education Association went to a two-year budget cycle. The New Jersey Education Association brought in actuaries to address delegates before they approved a transfer of funds to cover staff pension shortfalls. And the Michigan Education Association approved a dues hike of $13.40, followed by a revolutionary plan to base dues on a percentage of each individual member’s salary, as opposed to a flat rate, beginning in 2005-06. This means that teachers and support employees at the top of the scale and in high-salary districts will pay more dues than new teachers or lower-paid workers. More dramatically, each year delegates to the union’s spring representative assembly will set the dues percentage after they “establish the amount of revenue necessary to fund the annual MEA budget.”

These are all unusual events, dictated by generally unhappy circumstances for NEA. But the convention is traditionally the time to show the organization’s positive face. Will sobering news and discussions intrude on the happy atmosphere? We’ll see.

3)  Almost Half of NEA Employees Make Six Figures. NEA may have had to institute some last-minute budget cuts this year, but if the organization’s latest financial disclosure report is any indication, no one is starving at NEA headquarters.

The national union’s $59.4 million payroll for the school year 2002-03 included salary for some 565 regular employees plus payments to about 170 others who were either part-time or temporary employees, or who either retired, were let go, or moved on during that year. Of the regular employees, 260 received salaries of $100,000 or more. That figure is for salaries alone; it does not include other taxable allowances, benefits or expenses. Nor does it include payments to NEA’s elected officers or state affiliate executive directors (see above).

The money list was led by NEA Executive Director John Wilson, who made $244,423 last year. And though he retired in November 2000, Wilson’s predecessor, Don Cameron, still received $101, 466 in deferred salary from NEA last year.

4)  “America Learns” Gets a Name Change. On March 29, EIA reported on NEA’s establishment of a new 501(c)(4) group called “America Learns.” Last week, Education Week revealed the organization will now be called “Communities for Quality Education.” No reason for the change was given, but EIA suspects these folks might have had something to say about it (http://www.americalearns.net/).

NEA has asked its state affiliates to contribute $1 per member to the organization. Some have complied, others have sent lesser amounts, but so far the Delaware State Education Association is unique in that it raised its dues by $1 specifically to donate to Communities for Quality Education. The increase was not without opposition at the union’s representative assembly, but delegates succumbed to the wishes of the union’s executive board, who stated the donation “is necessary since the so-called No Child Left Behind Act does threaten what we care most about – a strong public education system for every child.”

5)  Initiative Is Dead, But CTA’s Dishonesty About It Survives. Still stinging from the collapse of their property tax initiative, California Teachers Association President Barbara Kerr and film-maker Rob Reiner penned an editorial for the San Jose Mercury News. The piece is more noteworthy for what it omits than for what it says.

Kerr and Reiner stated their initiative would have provided “money for class size reduction, updated textbooks and new computers, teacher training and incentives, and the establishment of pre-school for every 4-year-old. All are proven education reforms.” They went on to extol the virtues of class size reduction, updated textbooks and new computers, and preschool programs, and concluded with the admonition, “It is morally unacceptable to write off an entire generation of children.”

Nowhere did Kerr and Reiner mention the main purpose of the measure, stated clearly in its own text, to increase teacher compensation. They coyly referred to “incentives,” though the initiative provided no accompanying requirement or even request for anyone to do anything to earn “incentives.” Nor did Kerr and Reiner care to explain how requiring preschool teachers to join or pay fees to unions was going to benefit four-year-olds.

In other states, teachers’ unions utilize state salary rankings to buttress their demands for more money. States ranked in the bottom half, or below the national average, are constantly reminded of the fact. But the average California teacher salary is the highest in the country, nearly $1,000 ahead of second-place Connecticut, so CTA’s strategy is to pretend those rankings don’t exist.

6)  Quote of the Week. “I support the teachers, but I don’t support what the teachers’ union is doing. It is highlighting how little they have to do under the contract.” – Susan Tsantes, a middle school parent in Framingham, Massachusetts, commenting on the Framingham Teachers Association’s work-to-rule job action during contract negotiations. For uttering the above remark to a reporter, Ms. Tsantes received irate calls and e-mails, and saw her quote copied and distributed in the school her children attend. The name of her employer, a realtor, was added in the margin, and Ms. Tsantes’ supervisor received a call from a Framingham teacher declaring that “no Framingham teacher will ever buy a house listed by your company, ever.” Asked whether this last reaction went over the line, a union official replied, “That’s a hard question to answer.” (April 29 and May 6 Metrowest Daily News)

 

© 2005 Education Intelligence Agency. All rights reserved.